Banana Pundits

Solon Brochado: President Lula is a man of few words, at least in regards to the press. He spent almost all of his first year as president without giving interviews, whether exclusive or not. On the other hand, if released from having to answer reporters’ questions, he can be a very eloquent man: the president adresses the population on a daily basis, through pronunciations at innaugurations, festivals, rallies and such.

So it was with much anticipation that every one turned their attention to the show Roda Viva, at TV Cultura (the public TV network), this monday. It would be the president’s first interview after the beggining of the whole political crisis, way back when an aide to then chief-of-staff José Dirceu was charged with negotiating public tenders with bicheiros [those involved with the jogo do bicho - or “animal game”, an illegal form of lottery], in exchange of bribes and contribution to electoral campaigns, which eventually led to the CPI [Parliamentary Inquiry Comission] dos Bingos.

Roda Viva is a one hour long live interview show, where about 15 reporters and pundits from different backgrounds sit on two round benches, surrounding the interviewee, who sits on a rotating chair. Questions tend to come in waves, which is usually bad news for someone trying to make some story up on the fly, since they’ll most often than not be caught in contradiction. Being literally surrounded with people asking questions, above you, also doesn’t seem to help those interviewed.

It seemed unusual then that the president, so wary of journalists and interviews, would decide to break his silence at such an inhospitable environment. But it turned out things were not so inhospitable after all. First, the president wasn’t interviewed in the usual set, but at the Palácio do Planalto [the federal government’s office]. He didn’t have to sit in an uncomfortable rotating chair, surrounded by journalists, but rather could feel like he was heading a reunion with supporters. Also, there were less interviewers, and they all seemed a little intimidated by the situation, or at least were less agressive than usual.

So, the next couple of posts will be translations of two articles, written by Guilherme Fiuza and Villas-Bôas Corrêa, both from NoMínimo, discussing how the interview went. I’ll also try to post some of the interview’s repercussion in political blogs, like Ricardo Noblat’s and even [Roda Viva’s director and host] Paulo Markun’s.

Solon Brochado: Brazil’s political crisis may, as we say here, end up in pizza, but it is surely going beyond my wildest expectations. It’s been only a week since the referendum, and everyone’s attention is already back at Congress. And with good reason, too.

It seems everyone is CPI-happy [Parliamentary Inquiry Comissions] these days. First we had a CPI to investigate a bribing scheme in the postal service. During that investigation, rep. Roberto Jefferson blew open the mensalão scandal, on the government’s vote-buying. Then, the opposition decided that deserved a CPI of its own, while the government said it should all be part of the same investigation.

The new CPI was opened, and has been turning up all kinds of frauds and money laundering schemes imaginable. During all this time, a third CPI, dating back to the government’s first scandal (involving a close aide to Lula’s Chief of Staff, minister José Dirceu) has been going on.

Now, the opposition has decided to ask for a fourth CPI, that would focus on the use of undeclared money during the presidential campaigns of 1998 and 2002. The senate’s leader, sen. Renan Calheiros (PMDB-AL) said he will ask for its opening. But only a day after the PSDB’s leader, sen. Arthur Virgílio (AM), presented the proposal, the opposition has realized the idea backfired and is trying to prevent it.

It turns out that any money laundering scheme used by petistas during Lula’s 2002 campaign will be investigated in the mensalão’s CPI. So, the new CPI would only investigate the accusations involving PSDB’s former president, sen. Eduardo Azeredo (MG), who is said to have used undeclared money to fund Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s 1998 campaign. And also the proposal is being seen as a maneuver from the opposition to retaliate this accusations.

The Workers’ Party, in the meantime, has been discussing whether or not to ask for Azeredo’s annulment. They say the PSDB and PFL have been using the CPIs to paralyze the country and the administration, in a political maneuver to undermine Lula’s reelection chances. And some in the party think asking for Azeredo’s annulment, at this point (and with so many internal disputes), would seem like a political reprisal.

As if all this intrigue and hurly burly weren’t fun enough, it seems rep. José Dirceu, Lula’s former Chief of Staff, has managed to bring the judiciary along for the ride. Everytime he’s mentioned by the Chamber’s Ethics Council, Dirceu files a lawsuit at the Supreme Federal Court [STF] challenging their decisions and proceedings. So far, the STF has been overturning quite a few of the Council’s decisions, which is wearying congressmen.

According to Folha de S. Paulo, some are even denouncing the STF’s conduct as meddling with legislative power. Even Dirceu’s lawyers are getting worried, says the newspaper, since these are the congressmen that will vote his annulment, if it ever comes to that. So it might not be a good idea to upset them this way.

Even so, next week should see a new avalanche of lawsuits filed by Dirceu. And maybe the beggining of a fourth CPI. But congressmen assure us that none of this is compromising Congress’ usual operation.

Apparently, Lula and his advisers haven’t learned anything from the current crisis. Following Severino’s resignation, the administration is in full throttle trying to regain the Chamber’s control. How? Offering up to half a million reais in parliamentary amendments, in hopes of turning precious votes in favor of their candidate, ex-Political Articulation minister Rep. Aldo Rebelo (PC do B - SP).

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